Predictors of Meaningfulness of Life among Tuvans Living in Rural Areas and Cities of Tuva

The article presents the results of a study of the characteristics of the value-semantic sphere of Tuvans living in remote rural areas of Tuva. The assumption was tested that one of the predictors of meaningfulness among Tuvans may be ethnicity: features of ethnic identity and values. Tuvans living in three rural districts of Tuva (Erzin, Mugur-Aksy, Toora-Khem) and Kyzyl were compared. 825 people were recruited for this study. To test this assumption, the multiple linear regression method was used: the dependent variable was the indicators of the PIL test, and the indicators of the “Values Questionnaire” by S. Schwartz and “Types of Ethnic Identity” (S.V. Ryzhova, G.U. Soldatova) were considered as predictors. It was shown that significant predictors of meaningfulness among Tuvans are ethnic negativism (-0.307), positive identity (0.148), values of achievement (0.195), power (-0.150) and kindness (0.098). Regression models obtained for individual regions had their own specifics. It was also shown that residents of the districts differ significantly in the indicators of the PIL test, scales of the “Types of Ethnic Identity”, as well as the values of conformity, tradition, kindness and universalism. Based on the results obtained, a conclusion was made about the contribution of ethnicity to the dynamics of meaningfulness among the residents of Tuva.

Introduction

The Republic of Tuva is a region in the south of Eastern Siberia that provides unique opportunities for cross-cultural and ethnopsychological research. Due to its geographical location and history, Tuvans have largely managed to preserve their national culture [10]. The region is characterized by a relatively homogeneous ethnic composition: most of the republic's population are Tuvans (82.04%). Almost everyone speaks, and most importantly, uses the Tuvan language in everyday life. A significant part of the population is employed in agriculture (46.9%), as well as in the informal sector [3]. Compared to other regions of the Russian Federation, Tuva has a high percentage of religious people (70%), including young people who profess a traditional religion, a mixture of northern Buddhism and shamanism [4]. In general, the level of modernization in Tuva is assessed as quite low [12]. Due to the underdeveloped transport infrastructure in remote areas of Tuva, a traditional way of life associated with traditional activities (reindeer herding, yak herding, hunting, fishing, gathering wild plants, etc.) still exists.

Nevertheless, life in Tuva is changing. According to demographic studies, there is an intensive migration of the rural population to the cities of the republic, as well as other regions of the Russian Federation. People go to the cities to improve their socio-economic situation, get an education and access to modern infrastructure [1]. In this regard, the employment structure of the population is changing: the number of people employed in production and in the service sector is increasing [17]. The level of education is growing. The intensive penetration of ICT (Information and Communication Technology) is also changing the lives of Tuvans living both in cities and in villages. Under the influence of ICT, traditional forms of social interaction are experiencing a rebirth, for example, social networks allow to reunite representatives of one family group, scattered across the globe [9].

However, along with the modernization processes in the republic, there is a reverse trend towards the revival of traditional culture and way of life. This movement is happening both from “below” by the initiative of the population, and from “above” with the support of the authorities. Interest in traditional religion, folklore, crafts, arts, national sports, etc. is growing. Traditions, customs, and family relations that were partially lost during the years of Soviet reign are being restored [11]. Parallel the process of renaturalization of economic activity is happening: people are moving from the city to the village and starting to engage in traditional agricultural activities - cattle breeding, returning to simpler forms of economic relations [17].

Thus, in modern Tuvan society two significant tendencies are observed simultaneously: on the one hand, modernization, and on the other, archaization [10]. Under this transformation of Tuvan society the human psyche cannot remain the same.

In Russian psychology, the concept of personality as a result of the historical development of human society prevails  (B. G. Ananyev, L. S. Vygotsky, A. N. Leontyev, A. R. Luria, S. L. Rubinstein, and others) (See review: [7]). In this regard, the study of personality in the context of the transformation of the living environment allows to understand the mechanisms of socio-cultural determination of the human psyche. Comparison of the residents of rural areas, where the way of life and activities are very close to traditional ones, and city dwellers, whose way of life has undergone significant modernization over the past 50 years, allows to see what happens to the psyche and personality in the process of social development.

In 2021-2023, within the framework of a scientific project supported by the Russian Science Foundation (No. 21-18-00597) - "Transformation of the Living Environment and the System of Psychological Relations of the Individual" a study was conducted in three districts of Tuva, the results of which showed that Tuvans living in rural areas differ significantly from Tuvans living in Kyzyl and Moscow in a number of indicators: auto- and heterostereotypes, features of ethnic identity, the severity of emotional, behavioral and social self-control, orientation to action / state, self-assessment of volitional qualities [2; 5; 6; 20]. The results of the covariance analysis showed that these differences are largely due to the characteristics of the semantic sphere of the respondents, since urban residents, compared with rural residents, have significantly lower indicators of the meaningfulness of life (the PIL test) [21].

However, the reasons for the decrease in the meaning of life among Tuvans living in cities are a topic of discussion. Research shows that the meaning of life depends on various factors: both external and internal (See review: [15]). According to ratings, the quality of life in Tuva is lower than in other regions of the Russian Federation [16]. But the indicators of the meaningfulness of life among Tuvans living in the republic are higher than the average for the Russian Federation [19]. Moreover, research shows that although living conditions are better in cities than in rural areas, the indicators of meaningfulness among Tuvans living in cities are lower than among rural residents [21] (links). This data encourages to look for the causes of the registered changes beyond socio-economic factors.

Many researchers note that ethnicity plays an important role in Tuvan society (See review: [10]). In this regard, it can be assumed that changes in the meaning of life among Tuvans living in cities are associated with the transformation of traditional ethnic culture, values, lifestyle and ethnic self-awareness.

Traditional ethnic culture offers a person a system of simple and understandable ideas and values, that determine his place in the world and relationships with other people and set the main direction of development and growth [14]. Realizing himself as part of an ethnic group, a person feels that he and his life have a meaning, both for himself and for others. In the process of modernization, this simple and unambiguous picture of the world is violated. New significant groups and associated systems of ideas and values appear in a person’s life [14]. The role of an ethnic group in regulating life ceases to be absolute – a person must make decisions and make choices based not only on collective, but also on his personal experience. As a result, conflicts inevitably arise between the demands and expectations of various groups and one’s own motives, which, in our opinion, can lead to a decrease in the meaningfulness of life among Tuvans living in cities.

In this regard, the hypothesis of this study was that one of the predictors of meaningfulness among Tuvans is ethnicity,  the features of ethnic self-awareness and collective values. Changes in meaningfulness among urban Tuvans may be due to the transformation of ethnic self-awareness and values.

To test this hypothesis, we studied predictors of meaningfulness of life among Tuvans living in rural areas and the capital of Tuva, in the city of Kyzyl.  The indicators of the PIL test were chosen as a dependent variable, it allows us to make an integrated assessment of the value-semantic sphere of respondents [15]. Ethnic identity, as an indicator of respondents' awareness of their belonging to an ethnic group, as well as values, as a form of representing collective meaningful experience in individual consciousness, were considered as predictors [18; 22].

The aim of this work was to study the predictors of meaningfulness of life among Tuvans living in rural areas of the republic and in the capital of Tuva, in the city of Kyzyl.

Methods

Sample description. A study on the features of the value-semantic sphere of Tuvans living in three remote rural areas of the republic and in the city of Kyzyl was conducted. A total of 825 people took part in the study. Most of the respondents are family people graduated from secondary school. Residents of rural areas are mainly engaged in agriculture, working inlivestock farming, as well as in traditional crafts (hunting, gathering wild plants etc.). Residents of Kyzyl are engaged in the sphere of production goods and in the services aseducation, health care, trade. All respondents had secondary specialized or higher education[1]. For a detailed description of the sample, see table 1.

Table 1. Study sample

Research methods. The Life-Meaning Orientation Test (PIL) [15] was used to assess the meaningfulness of respondents’ lives. As already noted, this technique was used as an integral indicator of the state of the respondents’ value-meaning sphere. The paper presents the results only for the general indicator of the technique, since the same results were obtained for all subscales.

To study the ethnic identity of respondents, the “Types of Ethnic Identity” method (S.V. Ryzhova, G.U. Soldatova) was used [18]. This method was chosen because, along with a quantitative assessment, it helps us to provide a qualitative study  of different forms of ethnic identity: ethnonegativism, ethnoindifference, ethnoegoism, ethnoisolationism, ethnofanaticism.

“Value Questionnaire” method by S. Schwartz [8] was used to study values. This method allowed us to assess the significance of ten basic values, described in the theory of S. Schwartz [22]. The questionnaire includes two subtests “Normative Ideals” and “Personality Profile”.

Research procedure. The research was conducted during an expedition to remote rural areas of the Republic of Tuva from 2021 to 2023. Respondents filled out questionnaires in Russian individually in the presence of researchers (Russian and Tuvan speakers), who assessed respondents' understanding of the methods and helped them in case of difficulties. Participation in the research was voluntary, and respondents received monetary compensation for their participation. All respondents had a command of Russian at the level required to fill out the Russian-language versions of the questionnaires. This was also monitored by interviewers.

Statistical data processing. Since the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test confirmed the normality of the distribution of variables, parametric statistics methods were used in the process of statistical processing of the results. To assess the significance of differences between rural and urban residents in the studied indicators, one-way variance analysis (ANOVA) was used.

To identify predictors of meaningfulness of life among Tuvans, the multiple linear regression method (stepwise method) was used. The dependent variable was the PIL test indicators, and the predictors were the indicators of the “Types of Ethnic Identity” and “Value Questionnaire” methods by Sh. Schwartz. Regression equations were calculated for the sample as a whole and separately for each district.

Results

Group Comparison

The results of the analysis of variance, as well as descriptive statistics by district, are presented in Table 2.

Table 2. Comparison of Respondents Living in Different Areas, According to the Studied Indicators (One-way Analysis of Variance)

Notes: M – mean, SD – standard deviation, F – Fisher coefficient, * - p<0,05, ** - p<0,01.

As can be seen from Table 2, the compared groups differ significantly from each other in a number of indicators.

The results of the PIL test in Tuvans are higher than average results  obtained in the all-Russian sample [15]. The highest values of the indicators got  residents of Erzin, and the lowest  residents of Toorma-Khem. Among residents of Kyzyl and Mugur-Aksy, the indicators were approximately at the same level.

According to the indicators of the “Types of Ethnic Identity” method, in all groups the highest values are observed on the “Positive Identity” scale, followed in descending order by: ethno-fanaticism, ethno-indifference, ethno-isolationism, ethno-egoism and ethnonegativism. At the same time, the districts differ significantly in all indicators: the highest values are observed among residents of Erzin and Toorma-Khem, and the lowest in Kyzyl.

According to the “Value Questionnaire” by Schwartz, for the subtest “Normative Ideals”, the highest values among Tuvans were observed for the values of conformism, security and benevolence. Then, with a small gap, there are the values of self-direction and tradition. The lowest values are observed for the values of stimulation, universalism and power. According to the subtest “Personality Profile”, the highest values are observed for the values of benevolence, universalism, security and self-direction. It should be noted that, in general, such a profile differs significantly from the data obtained on the all-Russian sample [13].

Intergroup differences in the indicators of the method "Value Questionnaire" by Schwartz are not as big as in other methods. Significant differences are observed in the subtest "Normative ideals" in the values conformism, traditions, benevolence, universalism. In the subtest "Personality profile" significant differences are in the values of conformism and traditions. The highest values are observed among residents of Erzin and Toor-Khem, and the lowest among residents of Kyzyl and Mugur-Aksy.

Thus, it can be concluded that Tuvans living in rural areas and Kyzyl differ significantly in terms of indicators characterizing the value-semantic sphere and ethnic identity. However, these differences are more quantitative than qualitative in nature.

Regression Analysis

Table 3 shows the results of the regression analysis.

Table 3. Results of Regression Analysis (Dependent Variable – Indicators of the PIL Test)

R2 - standardized coefficient of determination, F – Fisher coefficient (df=3), ** - p<0,01.

As a result, for the sample a five-factor regression model was obtained  (R2=0.207, F(5)=28.485, p<0.01). A significant influence of the variables was shown: ethnonegativism (b=-0.307, t=-7.772, p<0.01), achievement value (Normative Ideals subtest) (b=0.195, t=4.415, p<0.01), positive identity (b=0.148, t=3.651, p<0.01), power values (Personality Profile subtest) (b=-0.150, t=-3.527, p<0.01) and benevolence (Personality Profile subtest) (b=0.098, t=2.125, p<0.01).

A three-factor regression model was obtained for the residents of Erzin (R2=0.349, F(3)=7.784, p<0.01). A significant influence of the variables was shown: ethnonegativism (b=-0.473, t=-3.487, p<0.01), hedonism values (Normative Ideals subtest) (b=0.520, t=3.149, p<0.01) and stimulation (Normative Ideals subtest) (b=-0.399, t=-2.380, p<0.05).

A four-factor regression model was obtained for the residents of Mugur-Aksa (R2=0.235, F(4)=20.855, p<0.01). A significant influence of the variables was shown: the value of achievement (the Normative Ideals subtest) (b=0.287, t=4.800, p<0.01), ethnonegativism (b=-0.239, t=-4.212, p<0.01), the values of security (the Personality Profile subtest) (b=0.239, t=3.658, p<0.01) and power (the Personality Profile subtest) (b=-0.160, t=-2.535, p<0.01).

For the residents of Kyzyl, a four-factor regression model was obtained (R2=0.357, F(4)=23.282, p<0.01). A significant influence of the variables was shown: ethnonegativism (b=-0.394, t=-6.334, p<0.01), positive identity (b=0.302, t=4.867, p<0.01), achievement values (subtest "Normative ideals") (b=0.248, t=3.790, p<0.01) and power (personality profile) (b=-0.227, t=-3.467, p<0.01).

For residents of Toorma-Hema, no significant regression model was obtained.

Thus, in general, for Tuvans, ethnic identity (ethnonegativism and positive identity) and values (achievements, benevolence, power) are significant predictors of the meaningfulness of life. However, the set of values has its own specifics among residents of different regions.

Discussion

In general, the obtained results support the proposed hypothesis. Ethnic identity and values among Tuvans are significantly associated with the meaningfulness of life, and since these indicators are lower among urban residents than among rural residents, it can be assumed that a decrease in the indicators of ethnic identity and values among city residents leads to a decrease in the indicators of the PIL test. However, there are some nuances here. Let us consider the discovered patterns in more detail.

The most noticeable influence on the indicators of the PIL test is exerted by ethnonihilism. This pattern is also observed among representatives of other ethnic groups (Russians, Mari, Kabardians, Komi, etc.) [19]. A negative correlation between these indicators may indicate that the denial of one's belonging to an ethnic group is the reason for a decrease in the meaning of life. Considering ethnic identity and, more broadly, ethnicity, as an important meaning-forming factor in the lives of Tuvans, the loss of this significant connection should obviously lead to the loss of sources of meaning. This assumption is consistent with the presence of a positive correlation between the PIL test and positive identity. This connection is observed in the sample as a whole and among residents of Kyzyl. However, the connection between positive identity and the PIL test is not observed in all ethnic groups [19].

Of course, there might exist an alternative explanation for the discovered correlations. For example, a decrease in the meaningfulness of life caused by some other factors can lead to dissatisfaction with one's ethnic group and, consequently, to ethnonihilism. Apparently, this effect cannot be completely excluded and it is difficult to control. However, this explanation is more specific in nature, so it cannot explain the observed situation. In addition, the methods used study phenomena of different orders: the PIL test is aimed more at assessing the state, while the "Types of Ethnic Identity" test is aimed at identifying stable features of self-attitude [15; 18]. In this regard, the explanation: "transformation of self-attitude leads to a change in meaningfulness" seems more plausible than the explanation: "change in meaningfulness leads to transformation of self-attitude".

Values also have a significant impact on the PIL test scores. In contrast to Russians, the leading positions in the profile of Tuvans are generally occupied by values associated with the well-being of the group: conservative values (conformity, traditions, security) and values of self-transcendence (benevolence and universalism) [13]. The scores of these values among residents of Kyzyl are significantly lower than among rural residents, which may mean that the role of these values in the lives of rural residents is greater than in the lives of city dwellers (see Table 2).

However, of the values associated with the well-being of the group, only benevolence is significantly associated with the indicators of the PIL test, and not at the level of normative ideals, (value preferences), but at the level of the personality profile (real behavior). It can be assumed that concern for the well-being of loved ones is an important meaning-forming factor for Tuvans. No less likely, and not at the exemption of the previous statement, seems the explanation that the meaningfulness of life encourages Tuvans to care about the well-being of others.

The most noticeable influence on the PIL test is exerted by the value of achievement (at the level of normative ideals), associated with personal success and well-being. This may indicate that for Tuvans, personal achievements are an important meaning-forming factor. It should be noted that among the values associated with personal well-being, for Tuvans, the value of achievement ranks second after the value of independence. The value of power (personality profile level) also exerts a significant influence on the PIL test, but this correlation is inverse. In this regard, it can be assumed that a decrease in meaningfulness prompts respondents to seek control over other people as compensation.

It should also be noted that the regression models calculated for different regions differ significantly from each other. For residents of Kyzyl, it almost completely coincides with the general group model. For residents of Mugur-Aksy, the PIL test scores are significantly associated with the value of security (personality profile level), which indicates that their sense of security and meaningfulness are interrelated. For residents of Erzin, the meaningfulness of life is positively associated with the value of hedonism (level of normative ideals) and negatively with the value of stimulation (level of normative ideals). In this regard, it can be assumed that personal pleasures are an important meaning-forming factor in this group, and a decrease in meaningfulness can encourage the search for new experiences. For residents of Toorma-Khem, no significant model was obtained at all, accordingly, their level of meaningfulness should be determined by some other factors.

If we pay attention to the coefficients of determination, then among Tuvans, ethnic identity and value orientations determine approximately 20 to 35% of the total variance of the PIL test indicators, depending on the region. In our opinion, this is a fairly large value, given that meaningfulness is largely determined by the characteristics of a person’s individual life situation: their activities, relationships with significant people, experiences, real achievements and successes, health status, social and economic well-being, etc. [15]. In this regard, it can be assumed that value orientations and ethnic self-awareness influence how a person understands his individual experience in the broader context of collective experience. Apparently, ethnic culture offers a person a set of semantic constructs that determine what they will consider important and significant in their lives. The study of these mechanisms of meaning formation should be the subject of further research.

The results indicate that ethnicity at the level of ethnic identity and values is a significant meaning-forming factor for Tuvans. Ethnic identity and values change in the process of transformation of traditional society. Apparently, the role of ethnic culture is reduced because social relations of city residents are becoming more complex: new significant groups, new sources and channels of information dissemination, new values appear in their lives [14]. Accordingly, the significance of values associated with the well-being of the group decreases, which means that the significance of values associated with personal well-being relatively increases. This transformation of value-semantic relations may be the reason for the decrease in the meaningfulness of life among Tuvans living in Kyzyl.

The obtained results allow us to draw the following conclusions:

1. Among Tuvans, the level of meaningfulness of life is significantly associated with the indicators of ethnic identity (ethnonegativism and positive identity), as well as the values of benevolence, achievement and power.

2. The indicators of the methods "Types of Ethnic Identity", "Schwartz's Value Questionnaire" among Tuvans are higher than the statistical norms obtained on all-Russian samples. Among the values, the values associated with the well-being of the group (traditions, conformism, benevolence, security) come first among Tuvans.

3. Among Tuvans living in rural areas of Tuva, compared to urban residents, the indicators of the methods "Types of Ethnic Identity", "Schwartz's Value Questionnaire" (traditions, conformism, benevolence, universalism) are significantly higher.

Conclusion

The obtained results allow us to understand what is happening with the value-semantic sphere of Tuvans in the context of the transformation of society. Compared to rural residents, the meaningfulness of life among city dwellers decreases. The importance of values associated with the well-being of the group (traditions, conformism, benevolence, universalism) also decreases, and the role of values associated with personal well-being (achievements and independence) increases accordingly. We assumed that these changes are due to the transformation of ethnic culture and ethnic self-awareness. This assumption is supported by the negative dynamics of ethnic identity indicators among city dwellers compared to rural residents. In our opinion, this dynamics indicates a decrease in the role of the ethnic group and ethnic culture in the life of Tuvan city dwellers, which becomes one of the possible reasons for the decrease in the meaningfulness of life.

Of course, the study has its limitations. Although the results obtained indicate that ethnic identity and values make a significant contribution to meaningfulness among Tuvans, it (meaningfulness) cannot be determined only by ethnicity. Ethnicity itself is not limited to ethnic self-awareness and values. In this regard, the task arises of further studying of the predictors of meaningfulness among Tuvans.

It should also be noted that Schwartz considers basic values as universal constructs that do not depend on the ethnocultural context [22]. However, N.M. Lebedeva and A.N. Tatarko showed that the basic values of Russians have specifics, without which it is impossible to accurately describe the intergenerational and temporal dynamics of Russian culture [13]. In this regard, the question is, how accurately the basic values described Schwartz reflect the characteristics of Tuvan culture. The answer to this question can be obtained within the framework of further cultural-specific study of the values of Tuvans, which can become the goal of further research.

Both the Tuvan culture and the nature of the transformation processes in the republic are unique, so it is necessary to be very careful when generalizing the discovered patterns to Russian society as a whole. In our opinion, it is this specificity that allows us to see the processes of personality transformation in the conditions of human society development in the clearest possible light, further cross-cultural studies of the discovered patterns among representatives of other ethnical groups of the Russian Federation will allow us to better understand the connection between ethnic culture and one’s value-semantic sphere.

The obtained results prove the significant role of ethnicity and ethnic self-awareness in human life. Preservation of ties with traditional culture during the transformation of Tuvan society can become an important factor in preventing loss of meaning among urban residents. In this regard, the revival of traditions, customs and rituals, restoration of family relations can become one of the forms of social and psychological work with the population, which requires the support of local governments.

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